Showing posts with label Edward Simonton. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Edward Simonton. Show all posts

The Golden Calf

Jeroboam Sacrificing to the Golden Calf, Jean-Honore Fragonard 1752

Exodus. 32: 1-14

“When the people saw that Moses delayed to come down from the mountain, the people gathered around Aaron, and said to him, ‘Come, make gods for us, who shall go before us:” Exodus 32:1.

We know that Moses will be on Mount Sinai for forty days. The children of Israel do not. We know that the Ten Commandments are being prepared and that a tabernacle will be constructed out of gold between the wings of two golden cherubim to house the tablets of the law. The children of Israel do not. We know that God has a plan. The children of Israel do not.

Out of frustration and impatience the Israelites ‘jump the gun’ and hound the Priest Aaron to “make Gods for us, who will go before us”. The gold that would have been used to construct the Ark is made instead into a golden calf. The Altar placed before it was instead meant to be placed before the Ark. The worship of Yahweh that was to be performed before the Tabernacle of the Lord is instead usurped by the calf.

It may surprise some of you to discover that the incident of the golden calf is not one of idolatry. The Israelites wanted bulls not to worship them but to form a throne for God. This is exactly the same concept of the Throne of Mercy which is the between the two Cherubim on top of the Ark of the Covenant. The Cherubim form the base of the invisible throne. It is worth remembering that in ancient near eastern religion the Cherubim were often depicted as having the bodies of bulls. It is also clear that the story is partially told to condemn the erecting of the golden bulls or calves at Dan and Bethel by King Jeroboam in Kings 12:28. The words used to dedicate those bulls were identical to the verses found here. This is why the plural is used instead of the singular you would expect for the single calf. Thus underneath the story is a polemic against the older form of worship of the Northern Kingdom of Israel. The other polemic at work in the passage is the attempt to make Aaron look bad by later writers distrustful of the hereditary priesthood – but that is no matter.

If the golden calf and the golden cherubim serve the same function and the worship is of the same God: “When Aaron saw this, he built an altar before it: and said, ‘Tomorrow shall be a festival to the Lord.’”, then why is the incident so serious? I contend that the sin of the children of Israel is their impatience with God and his Prophet. They cannot even wait forty days for Moses to return. They despair and turn against Moses who has led them out of slavery “This Moses”. They forget the promise and what God has already done for them in the Exodus from Egypt. So while God is preparing for them the way he wishes them to worship they instead rush in and create their own mode of worship. I will refrain from going off on a tangent about the motivation for people to seek new alternative liturgies without having first learned the rhythm and rationale of the authorized liturgies of our church!

By asking for bulls they are really asking for a way to make God come down to be with them. They were trying to force him to be present with them. The assumption being that they did not believe he cared or was paying attention to them. They thought he had abandoned them. He knew very well what they were doing for he was paying very close attention: “Go down at once! Your people, whom you brought up out of the land of Egypt, have acted perversely; they have been quick to turn aside from the way that I commanded them;”.

The plan backfires, for their lack of patience, lack of trust, and attempt to force Him to appear amongst them kindles God’s wrath. He reacts like a spurned, irate Father, whose first instinct is to turn away from them and then devour them. He reserves for Moses, because of his faithfulness, the original promise of a new nation “and of you I will make a great nation”.

It is here that Moses plays the mediator and reminds God of his faithfulness and the promise he made to Abraham. He questions the purpose of all of the effort to bring the Israelites out of Egypt only to destroy them because of their weakness and ignorance. We may find it difficult to imagine God reacting like this. Yet for anyone who has ever raised children and invested time and energy into friendships and marriages you will recognise this reaction. God speaks to Moses of ‘His’ people who ‘You’ brought out of Egypt as though He had nothing to do with it. It is touching and humbling, that it is a human being who has to remind God of the bigger picture and thus cool his anger, born of hurt and frustration, “I have seen this people, how stiff necked they are”, and have him repent of his plan of destruction.

Many of our decision in life reflect the dilemma of God and Moses on Mount Sinai. The people to whom they have given everything, whom they love, dance at the bottom of the mountain oblivious of the two of them alone on the mountain top seeking a way to free those very same people. Most of you will have loved someone deeply and known you were not loved in return. You will have experienced the anger born of hurt when those for whom you have sacrificed take it for granted and spurn what you have slaved to be able to offer them. ‘How sharper than a serpent’s tooth it is to have a thankless child.”

Yet after the petulance, after the hurt, after the anger – sanity returns and we remember that even if they do not love or regard us, we still love them – even though it hurts. This passage from Exodus also reminds us of that which we so often forget – that it is acceptable, nay, even proper to give God our empathy and thanks for carrying the burden of his love for so long and at such great cost. “For God so loved the world that he gave his only Son,”. John 3:16He humbled himself and became obedient to the point of death – even death on a cross.Phil 2.8

In the Gospel we have a parable by Christ of a King throwing a huge wedding banquet that he wishes those he loves to share in. Instead they refuse the offer as they have other things to do. They are following their own timetable and not that of the king. The king in his anger destroys them and invites everyone in. Yet even after this there is still a note of warning – you must enter into the spirit of the celebration and not just come according to you own standards but rather that of the kingdom. The feast is given at a certain time and in a certain way. To refuse the time or spirit of it is to miss out.

Let us then worship God as he commanded us and approach the Altar with thankfulness of hearts remembering his words “Do this in remembrance of me”. Let us not set our own individual times and places to worship Him but rather when his family meets and how they worship. This patience and humbleness of heart will allow God to reveal himself to us in his own time and way.

Bu those who wait upon the Lord shall renew their strength, they shall mount up with wings like eagles, they shall run and not be weary, they shall walk and not faint.Isaiah 40:31

18 Blake Moses Indignant At The Golden Calf
 London
 Tate Gallery

St Irenaeus of Lyons (c.130-c.200)

St_-Irenaeus

“If then your whole body is full of light, with no part of it in darkness, it will be full of light as when a lamp gives you light with its rays.” Luke 11.36

The scriptures today all point beyond themselves to the words that will proceed from the mouth of this most venerable Father of the Church. Proverbs tells us “Hear for I will speak noble things and from my lips will come what is right; for my mouth will utter truthProverbs 8.6-7 Today the Church intentionally uses the Scriptures to tell us to pay attention to a non-scriptural authority. Look to him who we honour this day and not to us! Many will find this deeply troubling. Yet I put it to you that Saint Irenaeus is worthy of such treatment and that this treatment is fitting. The Church allows Scripture to give him voice because his voice gives to the church Scripture.

To a church with various customs ranging from the reading from only one Gospel or several, or using the Diatesseron (a combination in one book of the four) Irenaeus attested to the authority of the four Gospel of Mathew, Mark, Luke and John. It was Irenaeus that challenged the churches that used only one Gospel to use all Four and to those who used other Gospels besides the Four to abandon them. It was Irenaeus that gave us the first canon of Scripture that later formed the core of what we as Christians would come to know as Holy Scripture. He gave voice to the truth that God’s plan of salvation is to be found in both of the Old and New Testaments and that they cannot be separated.

This is not all that St Irenaeus gave us. Against the heresies of Gnosticism and Montanism he gave the Church stability and strength in the threefold cord of the Episcopate, Scripture, and Tradition. He laid down the concept of the Apostolic Succession. He himself was a student of St Polycarp who was a Disciple of St John. He knew the importance of the Apostolic Tradition – and stressed it at a time when the infant church faced disaster from various competing authorities. He emphasized the Councils of the Church for doctrinal assurance and yoked the church to the backs of the Apostles on which it is still supported today.

There is much more wisdom that proceeded from his mouth that we could give thanks for today: his insistence of the unity and goodness of God’s creation; his laying down the central myth of Christ as the new Adam and Mary as the new Eve in the plan of God’s salvation; and the emphasis that Christ as the Logos.

However it is his insistence that the heart of the atonement is found in the love of God in His Incarnation that has much to commend itself to us today. For Irenaeus the crucifixion was simple the outworking of God’s love in the Incarnation – the direct result of man’s sinfulness. Yet God’s love was to be found fully in Bethlehem and not just in Jerusalem. One of his most quoted sayings from Book 4 of Against the Heresies is “The Glory of God is a living man; and the life of man consists in beholding God” More commonly it is quoted as “The Glory of God is a human being fully alive”. The Word became flesh so that Flesh may become Word. “It was for this end that the Word of God was made man, and He who was the Son of God became the Son of man, that man, having been taken into the Word, and receiving the adoption, might become the son of God”. In a world of alienation this hope that there is something that will makes us truly alive as we instinctively know we are called to be still needs to be heard.

For his protection of the infant church by insistence on; the Historic Episcopacy; The Apostolic Succession; the Doctrinal Authority of Ecumenical Councils; the Vision of the Love of God in the Manger and the Hope of union with Him; but above all for the Authority of the four Gospels and the canon of Scripture - the voice of the Bible as we have received it, we give God thanks today for our Holy Father Irenaeus, Bishop of Lyons.

The New Monasticism: Observations on an Oxymoron

our lady of the new monasticism The first thing that you discover when beginning to explore the phenomena of the New Monasticism is that it is impossible to pin down as either ‘new’ or ‘monastic’. In order to make any definition about what one means by ‘new’ one must set rigid linguistic and ecclesial parameters before doing so. By changing these parameters there are several different movements that can lay claim to the definition each with an internally coherent justification for doing so. I have come to the conclusion that the proliferation of these, often widely divergent, groups in so many aspects of Western Christianity in the modern world that the term ‘The New Monasticism’ is both misleading and obscures the wider picture. The use of the word makes it almost impossible to see the forest at all as one does not recognise that these other aspects are trees. The purpose of this paper is to try and expand the current parameters of the definition and then place the movement commonly referred to as ‘The New Monasticism’ within this wider framework. It is in understanding the ‘New Monasticism’ of the Roman church and the Anglican Communion, the two main Western ecclesial bodies with Religious, that one can begin to understand what is meant by the term.

In order to compare and contrast the New Monasticism in its various forms it is crucial to have an understanding of what ‘old’ monasticism is and how it has continued down to us today. The lack of knowledge of the Religious Life in the West is apparent in the writings of the New Monastics. The term monastic in Christianity is technically reserved for those who have a vocation to a very specific form of Religious Life. Monasticism is the oldest form of the Religious Life and can be seen in the ascetic movements of the early church. There were two major forms of monasticism: the eremitical life (the solitary life of a hermit) and the coenobitical life (common life in community). The Church Father St Antony (251-356) is generally held to have been the founder of the eremitical monastic life whilst the Church Father St Pachomius (c.290-346) is considered the founder of the coenobitical monastic life. The monastic life required celibacy, the renouncement of earthly goods, and some form of seclusion from the world. A monk’s life was dedicated to Opus Dei through a strict regimen of prayer both publicly in the Offices and privately in contemplation and study. Unlike other forms of the Religious Life there are no secondary purposes in the monastic life. Although the early Eastern tradition of monasticism significantly shaped Celtic monasticism in the 6th century and, in turn, the Rule of St Columbanus was used widely in Europe during the early days of the Western flowering of monasticism neither came to persist or have any lasting influence. Rather the Rule of St Benedict came to be the dominant manifestation of the coenobitic life in the West. It is worth noting that it was so prevalent that the only monastic order in the West that did not follow the Rule of St Benedict was the Carthusian order of St Bruno in the 12th century whose members led a type of eremitical life (as they still do).

The Western expression of monasticism is so specific that it is almost impossible to redefine it in a way that cannot be justified from the Rule of St Benedict itself. This is way that the reform of the monastic life has been carried out in the Western church. However, many people, including professional ecclesiastics in the catholic churches as well as many protestants, do not understand the specificity of the term. Most will use ‘monk’ and ‘nun’ to refer to anyone who in the Religious Life. This may in part be because the Western Church has used the term ‘Religious’ to describe those who live under vows in Religious Orders. As most would consider themselves ‘religious’ in the regular sense of the word it is not surprising that the technical sense of the term is lost on many. It is also confusing to speak of ‘Religious Orders’ as referring to those under the threefold vows and ‘Holy Orders’ as referring to those ordained to the threefold ministry in the catholic churches: Deacon, Priest and Bishop. Still the term is ‘Religious’ is specific. It is a collective noun for the many groups who take the ‘Evangelical Vows’ of Poverty, Chastity and Obedience or variations thereof (Evangelical Counsels: Math.19-10-12, Math.19:16-22, Mark 10:17-22, and Luke 18:18-23). This includes monks and nuns, friars, hermits, anchorites, consecrated virgins and widows/ widowers, and the brothers and sisters of the various Religious Orders and Congregations in the West. Each group is a specific manifestation of the call to a Religious vocation. Most Religious are, as it happens, NOT monks or nuns but rather work in the world to varying degrees.

We can already see that the proper sense of the word monasticism in the phrase ‘The New Monasticism’ is deeply misleading and historically a misnomer. As the new expressions of ‘monasticism’ bear so little resemblance to what the church has historically meant by the term I believe we can ignore the discrepancy and assume that the practitioners instead mean ‘Religious’. For the remainder of this paper I will assume that when the proponents and practitioners of the new movement use the word ‘Monastic’ they mean ‘Religious’.

Another very common misunderstanding about the religious life is the wide variety of forms that it takes in the modern world. The Roman Catholic Church has the most numerous forms of the Religious Life and yet seems to be the least understood. The Roman Church refers to those who take the Evangelical Vows as being in the Consecrated Life. The Consecrated Life is made up of those who are part of the Institutes of Consecrated Life. There are two main Institutes: Religious Institutes and Secular Institutes. There are two forms of Consecrated Life in the Religious Institutes: Religious Orders and Religious Congregations. The Religious Orders are those in the Consecrated Life who make Solemn Vows. Solemn Vows are considered absolute and are permanent – such as a Marriage Vow. Those in Religious Congregations make only Simple Vows. These are not taken with the same solemnity as the vows made by those in Orders but are rather considered binding whilst the vower is living the specific way of life. It is worth noting that those in Orders take simple vows when they are made Novices, and sometimes at First Profession and it is only later that Solemn Vows are made. The Consecrated Life also includes Consecrated Persons: Consecrated Hermits, Consecrated Virgins, Consecrated Widows and Widowers as was in practice in the early church.

Religious Orders in the Roman Church are made up of Monastic Orders, Mendicant Orders, and Apostolic Orders. I have already described the Monastic Orders. The oldest Monastic Order, the Benedictines, have slightly different vows than those of other monks. They vow stability, consecration of manners, and obedience. The second is taken to include the other two Evangelical Vows. The mendicant orders are made up of Friars. These are mostly Franciscans, Dominicans, and Carmelites. Although they live together they work in the world and traditionally begged for their sustenance. There are also groups of Canons Regular whose members are all clerics of some rank as well as Clerks Regular which is made up of Priests. The Augustinians are the best known of the former group. The most well know Apostolic Order is the Society of Jesus. The Jesuits were freed from the obligation of common life and common prayer so they could have more freedom for evangelical missionary work. There were also Military Religious Orders formed during the early Crusades and four still exist today, such as the Knights of St John of Jerusalem.

Many Roman Catholic Brothers and Sisters you will meet are members of Religious Congregations rather than Orders. They are divided into two major groups: Clerical and Lay. They take simple vows and almost always have a particular mission to which they give their life work to. A large number were founded in the 19th century as Apostolic Congregations. They dress and are styled like those in Religious Orders. There are around four hundred Religious Orders and Congregations in the Roman Church with a makeup of approximately one million members.

The Second Type of Institute of the Consecrated Life in the Roman Church is that of the Secular Institutes. The Secular Institutes are groups made up of members who take vows of poverty, chastity and obedience and yet who live as part of the world and seek to transform it from within. There are at least two forerunners of the Secular Institutes: The Company of St Ursula in 1535 and the Society of the Sacred Heart in 1790. Yet it was not until 1947 that Pope Pius the XII canonically recognised Secular Societies. They have become more and more popular since Vatican II although most Catholics have never heard of them. This is partly because the vocation of their members is to be part of the normal world. Although most of those living the Consecrated Life in a Secular Institute live alone under a vow of chastity some Secular Institutes have married members. Most do not give up personal possessions but give over administration of them to their Institute. There are at least 60,000 members of about two hundred Secular Institutes.

Thus far we have seen that the Roman Church offers the following forms of the Religious Life: Religious Order (Monk, Friar, Canon Regular, Clerk Regular, Apostolic Order, and Military Order), Religious Congregation (Apostolic Congregation), Secular Institute, and Consecrated Person (Hermit, Virgin, Window/Widower). Yet there is one more major group although it does not fall under the grouping of the Consecrated Life. These are the Societies of Apostolic Life. These groups are made up of people who do not make Solemn or Simple Vows, and continue to own personal property and yet live together as a community for a common purpose and for sanctification of life. They usually take simple, private, annual, promises within their community. They are comparable to Communities of Consecrated Life and are regulated by the same Vatican body, The Congregation for Institutes of Consecrated Life and Apostolic Life. Some of the best known Roman Catholic ‘Religious Orders’ are not orders at all but rather Societies of Apostolic Life such as the Oratory of St Philip Neri in the mid 1500s or the American Mary Knoll Sisters. Yet one of the most recognised, at least in the past, were the Daughters of Charity of St Vincent de Paul as they had giant wings on their wimples. The television show The Flying Nun featured the Daughters of Charity. Yet as I have explained, the Daughters of Charity are not even an Religious Congregation let alone an Order and far removed from a female monastic who would be entitles to be described as a nun!

The last Roman Catholic category worth noting is the Associations of the Faithful. According to Roman Catholic Canon 298.1:

“In the Church there are associations distinct from Institutes of Consecrated Life and Societies of Apostolic Life, in which the Christian faithful, either clergy or laity or clergy and laity together, strive by common effort to promote a more perfect life or to foster public worship or Christian doctrine or to exercise other apostolic works, namely to engage in efforts of evangelization, to exercise works of piety or charity and to animate the temporal order with the Christian spirit.” 1

The popular Community Chiming Neuf is an example of such an Association. It is an ecumenical group with members lay and ordained, celibate and married and of other denominations. It has members from Orthodox, Anglican, Lutheran, and Protestant churches. They wear habits and operate ‘houses’ that to most people are indistinguishable from the houses of Religious Orders or Congregations. This community is quite active in my Archdeaconry and I have personal knowledge that the Roman Catholic authorities in the region do not have a clear understanding of their actual canonical status. Oblates, Tertiaries, and Third Order Members fall into this category.

Although there are some forms of the Religious Life in the Protestant Tradition such as the Lutheran Franciscans for Peace or the Taize Community, most of the remaining traditional Religious in the Western Church are found in the Anglican Communion. The existence of Anglican Religious in the life of the Communion for almost 150 years has not led to a widespread awareness of their existence amongst Anglicans in many Provinces of the world. The association of Religious Communities with High Church ecclesiology has meant that in parts of the Communion evangelised by High Church Missionary Societies the presence of Anglican Religious is well known whereas in those parts of the world evangelised by ‘low’ church missionary societies their presence is largely unknown. For example, in Southern Africa, evangelised by the two ‘High’ church missionary societies UMCA (Universities Mission to Central Africa) and SPG (Society for the Propagation of the Gospel), Religious played an active role from the beginning. The Archbishop of Cape Town Desmond Tutu was educated by the Community of the Resurrection and followed Archbishop Trevor Huddleston CR a Professed Member of that Community. He in turn had followed Archbishop John Selby-Taylor OGS a Professed Member of the Oratory of the Good Shepherd. These three men represent the main thrust of the Anglican voice against apartheid. No Anglican in South Africa is unaware that there are Religious in the Anglican Communion. However, if you go north to Uganda, evangelised by the ‘Low’ church missionary society CMS (Church Missionary Society) they would think a sister in a habit was a Roman Catholic.

The non centralised nature of the Anglican Communion means that there are some canonical irregularities throughout the Communion as to how Religious are categorised. For example my own community is canonically a Religious Order in two of our four Provinces and a Religious Community in the other two. For example in North America the body with oversight is CAROA (Conference of Anglican Religious Orders in America). This body comprises members from the Episcopal Church of the United States under Title III Canon 30 (Of Religious Orders and Other Christian Communities) and the Anglican Church of Canada under its Terms of Reference of the relevant Standing Committee (Terms of Reference of the House of Bishops Standing Committee on Religious Communities in the Anglican Church of Canada). The American Church makes a differentiation between Religious Orders and Religious Communities in much the same way as the Church of Rome including provisions for Consecrated Hermits, Virgins and Widows (although using different language) whereas the Church in Canada only recognises Religious Communities, which by their definition is restricted to Religious Orders.

This lack of uniformity is not much of an issue for Anglican Religious as many of the Anglican Communion’s Religious belong to international bodies and thus rely on International directives rather than Provincial ones. The main reference for this is Anglican Religious Life: A Year Book of the Religious orders and communities in the Anglican Communion and tertiaries, oblates, associates and companions. This replaces the old annual Anglican Religious Communities Yearbook. Here you can see the overall way the Communion understands the Religious Life. To begin with it is not as formal and specific in the way the Roman Church is. Each Province has a way of recognising and categorising Communities for canonical and legal purposes. However the Communion itself sees three distinct groups: Traditional Celibate Religious Orders and Communities, Dispersed Celibate Religious Orders and Communities, and Acknowledged Communities. A distinction is specifically not used to distinguish between the use of the word ‘Order’ and the use of the word ‘Community’ as all in the first two sections have Professed Members who take Solemn Vows. It is acknowledged that we have Communities of monks, friars, and those equivalents to the apostolic orders. As we are a small enough group we do not need a directory or a Canon to tell us the difference. There are currently 2,395 celibate Religious in the Anglican Communion in 110 different Communities.

We have now reached a point when we can begin to make some key comparisons between the two main Western bodies which posses Religious before moving on to analyse the New Monasticism. The first is that there is a substantial overlap in the way the two churches understand the Religious Life. There is a shared understanding about the difference between an Order/ Congregation and a Secular Institute as well as a further distinction for Associations of the Faithful. Although Anglicans do not spell this out in canon law to the degree Romans do in practice the same distinctions are made. Anglicans have all of the same categories as Rome just unstated: Monks and Nuns, Friars, Apostolic Orders (the Community of the Resurrection), Secular Institutes we called ‘Religious Communities’ in the USA, Societies of the Apostolic Life (the Oratory is quite similar being partially based on the Oratory of St Philip Neri although Professed Members may take Solemn Vows), and Associations of the Faithful such as the Third Order Franciscans and the Companions, Associates, and Oblates of the various Religious Communities. The Anglican Communion even has hermits (Harold SSF the Hermit of Northumberland), consecrated virgins and even two anchorites in the Church of England.

This completes the background and structural reviews of the two main Western traditions of the Religious Life. Yet there are new movement within both of these ecclesial bodies that are changing the traditional way of viewing the Religious Life. Each is seeing the beginnings of a ‘New Monasticism’.

Since Vatican II the change in the ordering of the Religious Life has been profound. Many of the Religious Orders relaxed their traditional institutionalism and began to concentrate more on evangelical work to the wider world. Most Religious Congregation ceased to dress in any way that would distinguish themselves from the laity (even if the taint of institutionalism was always there to be spotted by a trained eye). The traditional monastic practices of contemplation, meditation, lectio divena, and an ordered rule of life came to be seen as a way to build bridges with a society that seemed ‘lost at sea’. The resurgence in the spiritual writings of the Desert Fathers, especially John Cassian, began to be seen as an alternative to the new spiritualities arising in the West in the late sixties and early seventies. Some, such as the Benedictine Dom Bede Griffiths OSB and the Jesuit Anthony de Mello SJ, intentionally tried to build bridges with non Christian traditions. The writings of Thomas Merton OCSO, a great apologist for the monastic life, soared in popularity. The Benedictine John Main OSB and his disciple Laurence Freeman OSB began the meditation work with mantras that led to the establishment of the World Community for Christian Meditation. Although begun in the 1930, Dorothy Day’s Catholic Worker movement, continued to grow as a radical way for intentional community living and to also engage with the tradition of radical hospitality and ministry amongst the downtrodden. Jean Vanier’s L'arche Community merged a radical acceptance of the stranger, community living, and care for the severely handicapped into one of the most powerful spiritual movements of the late 20th century. Although vocations to the traditional Religious Life began to drop significantly the rise of alternate forms of religious community began to climb. The final canonical recognition by the Roman Church of the Secular Institutes is a sign of this movement. The proliferation of radical Association for the Faithful operating under the old forms of Religious Congregations has also challenged the traditional role that the Consecrated Life has in the life of the Church. Lastly the social and political radical Liberation Theology propounded by many Jesuit and Dominican brothers in central and South America in the later part of the 20th century also shed new light on what the witness of the Religious Life could be. All in all, the change in the Consecrated Life in the Roman Catholic Church in the last forty years has been greater than at any other time since the Reformation and the rise of the Apostolic Orders or the 13th century with the rise of the Mendicant Orders of friars. Roman Catholics quite rightly refer to the proliferation of these new influences as ‘new’. They would not use the word monasticism, but they could certainly say the rise of the ‘New Consecrated Life’.

A rapid change in Religious Life in the Anglican Communion is also apparent. We too have seen the death of many of the older traditional Orders as the vocations for the traditional Religious Life dried up. Yet at the same time that the Religious Orders were facing their greatest threat many in the church came to see them as indispensable resources for the life of the wider church. The present Archbishop of Canterbury speaks consistently about the necessity for the Religious Life in the Communion. He worries that the lack of vocations to the Religious Life might mark the beginning of something dire, like the proverbial canary in the mine.

One of the marks of the revival of the Religious Life in Anglicanism is that the early communities lacked the confidence to just lead contemplative lives. They had to ‘prove’ themselves to a church hostile to this new Anglo-Catholic plot to take us back to Rome. So the early Orders worked tirelessly to justify their existence. We ran seminaries, schools, hospitals, ran publishing companies, and travelled relentlessly giving talks and leading retreats. It was only much later that we seemed to become settled and wished to concentrate on the true vocation that, the monastics at least, had. By then it was often too late and the pressures on the Orders had grow to the point that it was hard from them to ever just sit and be. For example, when my community established groups of companions and associates almost 100 years ago, it was to support the work of the Professed Brethren. They were to pray for us and assist us in our missionary work overseas. Although they kept a Rule of Life and reported to the Companions Secretary regularly, the rest of the Brethren simply relied on their prayerful and tangible support. Today most companions and associates belong to us because they desire Oratorians as their spiritual directors and confessors. Many seem to belong because we have both the contacts and the money to provide extraordinary annual retreat leaders from overseas. In other words the roles have reversed and the Professed now spend a great deal of our time supporting and encouraging the companions and associates!

The same changes to the Spirit of the Religious Life that were occurring in the Roman Communion also began to be seen in our own Orders. Most became less institutional, more laid back and informal. Many embraced the Liturgical Movement with enthusiasm and were radical in their reordering of the liturgy. The Society of St John the Evangelist became so different from the mother society in England that the two split and it is now difficult to imagine them as ever coming from the same source. The Society of St Frances began to move into the margins of society such as Bushwick in Brooklyn and engaged with the ‘drop-outs’ of the psychedelic age. Many monasteries, friaries, and religious houses that had been indistinguishable from their Roman equivalents a few years previously were now literally overrun with hippies and anti-war demonstrators. The photographs from the Mother House of the Order of the Holy Cross from 1969-1973 are shocking. Many seemed to see the Religious Life as a template for community living and went on to found their own experiments with community living in the communes. However the popularity did not last and by the time of the yuppies severe decline in the Orders was once again noticeable.

Yet the rapid change had left the Orders permanently changed. The spirit of the age of change was kept alive by the desire to explore traditional spiritual practices in a new way, an interest and dedication to environmental issues, and the shift from the deadening of the ego to the pursuit of authenticity and holistic being. I remember once speaking with the elderly Superior of one of the Communion’s oldest monastic Orders about the change that had taken place. I told him that I hoped he would not take offence but that it seemed to me that the motherhouse of the Order no longer seemed like a monastery but much more like a friary. I expressed my observation that the traditional values of ‘dying to self’ through intense contemplation, silence, humility, and obedience seemed to have gone. The monks were fun, relaxed, and had strong and distinct personalities. They had hobbies, watched TV and had personal computers in their cells. They also took bi-annual holidays. “That would be expected in Franciscans”, I observed to him, “but rather strange in Benedictines”. He was not insulted but rather sadly told me “there are no monks left in the Order we are all just brothers now.” This significant change in the spirituality of the Anglican Religious Orders can best be seen in the published new rule of the North American Society of Saint John the Evangelist. In no way am I criticising this new way of being Religious just observing that it is ‘new’.

The last significant change in the charism of the Religious Life in the Anglican Communion has been the rise of the technical ‘Religious Communities’ as defined by the canons of the Episcopal Church of the United States. Although other Provinces may not have the specific canons they do have the phenomena. In the Church of England the concept of lay religious communities similar to the Roman concept of Secular Institutes has been around in Anglo-Catholic circles since after the Second World War but usually attached to a Religious Order of the Solemnly Professed. Iris Murdock’s fourth novel, The Bell, takes place in a lay community, Imber Court, across the lake from an Anglican Benedictine convent. It is important to remember that these communities have existed in Anglicanism, albeit rarely, since Carolinian times. Nicholas Ferrar’s community of Little Gidding being the chief example.

However the new Anglican communities seem to be of two very different kinds. The first is referred to in many circles in the know as ‘two queens and a sewing machine’ referring to the punch line of the joke “what does it take to start a new Anglican Order?” As this particular phenomenon particularly irritates me the least said the better. It is the epitome of form over substance. Another adage in Anglican Religious circles is ‘the more elaborate the habit the simpler the discipline’, or something along the same lines. The significant complaint here is that many of those who are dressing in habits and using Religious post nominals after their names and telling everyone they can think of that they are a ‘monk’ or a ‘nun’ do not meet even the base requirements for any of these things. They do not renounce property or keep a common purse, do not live in community, and are not celibate! In some cases the man who looks like he just stepped out of Brother Cadfael novel, has a Rule of Life that is less strict that that of a Companion, Oblate or Tertiary of an actual Order. The fact that the church tolerates this type of spiritual romanticism is, to my mind, spiritually harmful both to the adherent and to those who might be tempted to also come and play dress up instead of joining an actual discerning movement. The often added overly romantic uncritical ‘renewal’ of Celtic spiritual practices does not add to the attractiveness of the package.

Luckily, although they are all too common in my mind, this is not the bulk of the new communities. The new Communities recognised by the Episcopal Church are similar to the Roman Secular Institutes. The only difference I can discern is that the Anglican groups do not seem to posses the same clarity of self identity the Roman ones do. The priest who happily informed me he and his wife were ‘in a Religious Order just like you’ when learning I was an Oratorian, I found disturbing. The community in question, The Rivendell Community (yes – named after the Elvin sanctuary in the Lord of the Rings) is a recognised ‘Religious Community’ of the Episcopal Church. Yet its vision statement is fuzzy and its use of vocabulary a bit faddish. It seems more like a group of like minded people comfortably finding community than some of the more radical Secular Institutes in the Roman Communion with very rigorous demands made on its members both in terms of finances and communal obedience. The other major difference is that whereas a few Secular Institutes allow for married members most do not and require celibacy, financial simplicity or poverty, and obedience. No Anglican group requires any of these things although many suggest it.

Taken together, the change in the spiritual disciplines of the traditional Religious Orders and the rise of the Religious Communities has changed the landscape of the Anglican Religious Life. We often speak about the ‘New Monasticism’ but we mean something very different by it.

What most people do mean by the term is the movement by Protestant evangelicals moving away from the world of the consumer mega churches to the ‘edges of empire’. The coiner of the term ‘New Monasticism’ is Jonathan Wilson who did so in his 1998 book Living Faithfully in a Fragmented World: Lessons for the Church from MacIntrye’s ‘After Virtue’. Alasdair MacIntyre ended his own book with the call for

“the construction of local forms of community within which civility and the intellectual and moral life can be sustained through dark ages which are already upon us...We are waiting for another – doubtless very different – St . Benedict.” 2

Wilson saw that a movement could stem from his own Anabaptist background and

“(1) it will be marked by a recovery of the telos of this world” revealed in Jesus, and aimed at the healing of fragmentation, bringing the whole of life under the lordship of Christ; (2) it will be aimed at the “whole people of God” who live and work in all kinds of contexts, and not create a distinction between those with sacred and secular vocations; (3) it will be disciplined, not by a recovery of old monastic rules, but by the joyful discipline achieved by a small group of disciples practicing mutual exhortation, correction, and reconciliation; and (4) it will be “undergirded by deep theological reflection and commitment.” 3

In 2004 some members of these new monastic communities came together and set out twelve marks of ‘New Monasticism’.

1) Relocation to the "abandoned places of Empire"
2) Sharing economic resources with fellow community members and the needy among us
3) Hospitality to the stranger
4) Lament for racial divisions within the church and our communities combined with the active pursuit of a just reconciliation
5) Humble submission to Christ’s body, the Church
6) Intentional formation in the way of Christ and the rule of the community along the lines of the old novitiate
7) Nurturing common life among members of intentional community
8) Support for celibate singles alongside monogamous married couples and their children
9) Geographical proximity to community members who share a common rule of life
10) Care for the plot of God’s earth given to us along with support of our local economies
11) Peacemaking in the midst of violence and conflict resolution within communities along the lines of Matthew 18
12) Commitment to a disciplined contemplative life

These seem to have been accepted by many within the movement even if they were not directly involved with drafting them. They have come to be seen as the expression of the charism of the movement.

One of the communities with the most publicity is the Rutba community in Durham North Carolina. This is where the twelve marks were drafted. The community was founded by the daughter and son of law of Jonathan Wilson who coined the term ‘New Monasticism’. The founders started off as peace activists in Iraq trying to stop violence and when they returned to the United States formed an intentional community in a poor area of the city. They share common meals, keep and common purse and use the book of Common prayer for communal prayers. Yet for all of their publicity the community has only 5 members. The Reba Place Fellowship in Evanston Illinois is the ‘grandfather’ of the movement having been in existence since the 1950s. This Mennonite expression grew to almost 150 people in the late seventies although it now has only 33 members. Although the lifestyle is similar to the Rutba community it differs significantly in that it owns a great deal of real estate and is quite wealthy. The Church of the Servant King in Eugene Oregon boasts 23 members of its community and began as a pacifist group. It runs bookstores and a publishing house for ‘New Monastic’ literature.

The constant theme that runs through the commentary on these communities is the support of the deep and radical commitment to going against the grain of mainstream American values. These groups value stability and seek to stop the pursuit of financial striving and moving widely to gain better jobs. They support community life and have a passion for social justice. The word that seems to pop up the most is ‘radical’.

The Fellowship of International Christian Communities’ website lists 84 Intentional non Roman or Anglican communities throughout the world. It lists another 93 as being ‘formed’. As far as I can discover this seems to be roughly the size of the movement of the New Monasticism. The membership of each community tends to be very small with only a handful of adherents in each community. A very generous assumption of numbers (as no figure exist), assuming an average of ten people per community and 5 for each forming community, would place the number of members at about 1300. This is a remarkably small number considering the other forms of community life already discussed.

This now brings us to my conclusion about the movement known as ‘The New Monasticism’. Nowhere in the literature of the movements or the descriptions of the communities is there any hint of a Christian life that is novel. To begin with, the focus on the work of Alasdair MacIntyre’s work on Teleological ethics, the recovery of an Aristotelian value system, or his attack on the post-enlightenment's moral worldview are in any way confined to these groups. MacIntyre, himself a Roman Catholic, is a widely read theologian in most mainstream Western traditions. His influence has been vast and to assume that Wilson is the only one to take up the challenge of coming up with a new St Benedict is naive. What is clear is that many reading MacIntyre’s After Virtue are already leading such a life in their own ecclesial communities. What is different about Wilson, to be blunt, is that he is a Protestant without the structural and theological framework already in place for intentional Christian communities.

From the perspective of an Anglican Religious the musings of the New Monasticism on the ‘radical’ move to live in community, to live simply and chastely, and with a view towards radical hospitality and social work seems ecclesiolgically immature. I do not mean this in an insulting way but rather as an ecclesiological and sociological observation. It is like watching a teenager discovering surrealistic art and thinking they have made a huge ‘discovery’. The immaturity lies in the fact that they do not realise everyone else already knows about it. The enthusiasm with which they speak of Christian discipleship amongst the downtrodden and the re-discovery (an often used word in this literature) of ideas on stability of living with the marginalised, and the spiritual practices of contemplation, and communal prayer is heartening but hardly ‘radical’ (unless all forms of the Religious Life are ‘radical’). The fact that they are so surprised by their new discovery speaks of an insularity and a deep lack of ecclesiastical sophistication (in the proper sense of the word meaning breadth of experience and knowledge).

Why is it ‘news’ when a Protestant group ‘rediscovers’ the centrality of the Eucharist, or the use of liturgy or the liturgical seasons, or the helpfulness in learning about the lives of the Saints? The Liturgical Movement has completely altered the liturgical expression of mainline Protestantism in the last forty years. It is no longer surprising to find Protestant bodies wearing liturgical vestments and keeping Advent and Lent. Indeed it is surprising if they don’t. Many evangelical bodies have yet to be influence by the Liturgical Movement but it is hardly radical when they are just the last to jump on the ship. It may seem new to them but surely any brief experience or study of modern movements in Western Christianity would make them more bashful about jumping around and making a big noise about it? The only way they could so unselfconsciously proclaim themselves as coming up a ‘new’ expression or ‘re-discovery’ of a way of Christian life is if they were so ecclesially myopic that they were unaware of the vast experience of Christians throughout the world. The writings of John Cassian are not new or re-discovered – they have been read by at least every Benedictine since the sixth century and have formed the core of the Novitiate classes of most monastic communities.

Noticeably lacking in the movement is any engagement with or comparison with the living Christian tradition in the ecclesial bodies that have maintained this form of life as one of its charisms. Each of the communities I looked at live in large urban areas that will have dozens of local examples of “intentional communities’ albeit mostly Roman Catholic or Anglican. Yet they make no reference to any that I can find. The prolific use of the internet for networking, a phenomenon they all share in common, makes the situation much more puzzling. Do they only look at Protestant evangelical sites? Would you not look at well established practical guidelines for ensuring the stability of such a community by looking at those who have survived the test of time? Would they not be just interested in those who share the same ideals? One of the distinct features of the Religious Life is that the members tend to think of themselves are transcending traditional denominational definitions. As such it is within the Religious Life that you find the most ecumenism. The National and International bodies of many of the Orders also include those who follow the same Rule of Life but hold to another ecclesial body. Thus the Anglican and the Roman Benedictines all belong to the same group, as it is with the Franciscans.

The Roman Catholic Church is by far the largest Christian body in the world, the Orthodox second and the Anglican Communion third. All have the Religious Life as part of their structure and spiritual life. To put it into perspective, out of the 2.1 billion Christians in the world today 1.6 billion of them are Roman Catholic, Orthodox, or Anglican (1.2 billion Roman Catholics, 286 million Orthodox, 82 million Anglicans). Thus ignorance of the traditions and structures of a central spiritual charism in the Church both East and West is difficult to explain. Yet I believe that, in the end, this is the key to understanding the ‘New Monasticism’.

I contend that there is nothing in the ‘New Monasticism’ that is new. The only thing that is new is that most of the practitioners are American evangelical Protestants. The tenants laid out in their twelve points are all foundational to Orders and Congregations that have existed throughout the Church’s history. Thus I believe the hype about the movement is just within the evangelical Protestant community and has little relevance to the wider church except as another example that many of the practices abandoned at the Reformation were done so too hastily.

One must be pleased with the recovery of the tradition of the Consecrated Life by any ecclesial body impoverished by the lack of them. They deserve support and encouragement. I am deeply aware that my response to the ‘New Monastic’ movement can be read as condescending ‘look the Protestants have rediscovered the Sacraments – how quaint’. This is not my intention. Rather I believe it is part of the continued influence of the Liturgical Movement to reequip all the churches with all the tools of the tradition of Church and not just some. The emergence of a New Monasticism is just one more tool in the toolbox.

Yet it is still difficult to know how to take the movement as seriously as it takes itself. It is difficult for me not to take offence at Scott Bessenger's book The New Friars: the Emerging Movement Serving the World’s Poor. He claims that there is arising a new movement of ‘monks’ with the same mission that the original ‘monks’ had yet in a new incarnation. This book is a good example of what I find difficult to take seriously in the movement. It is a summary of many point already made. To begin with friars are NOT monks. Monks did not and do not have a mission like the other Orders did. How can there be a ‘new’ incarnation of Franciscanism when Franciscanism is one of the most popular forms of the Consecrated Life in the Western church? There are already hundreds of thousands of Professed Franciscans committed to apostolic work amongst the poor of the world. There are 197 Professed Franciscans and 3181 Third Order Franciscans in the Anglican Communion alone. Yet Scott Besseneker describes only a handful of twenty-something ‘New Friars’ for the foundation of his book. He makes claims for the ‘New Friars’ as follows:

  • Incarnational: The new friars seek to be the gospel by becoming part of the communities of the dispossessed among whom they seek to serve, moving into their informal shantytowns and becoming, to a large degree, one of them.
  • Devotional: The new friars are organized around a set of spiritual commitments to govern their walk with Jesus, with one another, and with the communities of lost, poor, or broken souls into which they have moved.
  • Communal: The new friars live together and hold in common many of those things that they held privately before joining the community.
  • Missional: The new friars have something of the spirit of mission-driven monks and nuns in them, leaving their mother countries and moving to those parts of the world where little is known about Jesus.
  • Marginal: The new friars are on the fringe of the mainstream church and they seek to plant themselves amount people who exist on the edge of society (sex workers, street kids, orphans and families who are simply trapped in poverty). 5

    It is hard for someone like me who lived and worked with the Society of Saint Francis for many years as a teenager to not be taken aback by this. In the early 1990s between the age of 19 and 23 I lived with Franciscans in both the United States and Scotland. They always lived in run down houses and apartment blocks in the poorest areas of the towns where they existed. We rose at 4:30 in the morning to begin work in the Soup Kitchen for the very poorest of the poor and spent afternoon working in an A.I.D.S. hospice during the years of the most prejudice against those with full blown A.I.D.S. Being an ardent admirer of Franciscanism I am astounded by the lack of knowledge of what the ‘old’ Franciscans do. There is not one single solitary thing in the list that does NOT pertain to the ‘old’ friars.

    He goes on to say the ‘new’ friars are different from the ‘old’ friars in the following ways:

  • The modern movement is not predominantly a Catholic movement. It is, however, theologically broad enough for Catholics and Protestants to serve together.
  • The modern movement is not just for males. “Friar” is an exclusively male term, while the emerging movement is majority female and includes families.
  • The modern movement is vocationally diverse. The sort of transformation new friars seek in the world’s poorest communities requires them to become, or at least to integrally enfold into their communities, organizational executives, business entrepreneurs, policy advocates, lawyers and any number of professional roles not afforded the strictly dedicated life of a clergyman.
  • The new friar communities have not taken vows of celibacy. An ecumenical community of families and singles serving among the poor will produce an entirely different environment than a community of gender exclusive individuals committed to living their entire lives in a state of celibacy.

    Once again the claims he makes are simply ludicrous. There are many non-Roman Catholic Franciscan Orders: The Society of St Francis, The Community of St Francis, The Community of St Clare, The Little Brothers of Francis, The Order of Ecumenical Franciscans, The Order of St Francis, The Little Sisters of St Clare, The Company of Jesus, The St Francis Ecumenical Society, The Ecumenical Franciscan Society, The Kanaan Franciscan Brothers and the Evangelical Sisters of Mary, the Order of the Servant Franciscans and the Conventual Community of St Francis. There are also several Lutheran Franciscan communities. Has he not heard of any of these groups? Did he not do any research on Franciscans before writing a book on how to live like one? There have always been Female Franciscans they are simply called Poor Clare’s. St Francis founded them himself. Both the Roman and Anglican Church as well as many ecumenical communities also provides for female Franciscans who are not Poor Clair’s and have an almost identical rule as that of the male friars. The Anglican Franciscan community alone is most famous for the raising up of new members in Polynesia and Melanesia and especially Papua New Guinea. The Third Order Franciscans also have married members and lead secular lives. St Francis founded them for this very purpose. How then can the claim be made for ‘new’ friars when there is nothing that distinguishes from the ‘old’ friars except that they do not use the terminology and structures set down by St Francis himself? The ignorance of adapting one of the most ancient and beloved forms of Western Spiritual Religious Life, changing absolutely nothing about it, and then calling it ‘new’ is breathtaking. It is simply not ‘new’ just because you did not know it already existed and could not be bothered to read anything about it.

    In conclusion I, once again, content that the ‘New Monasticism’ is not ‘new’ and is not ‘monasticism’. Its claim to attention is that it is an example of evangelical Christians re-claiming pre Reformation modes of life and practices as part of the wider impact of the Liturgical Movement. The numbers involved are so small it and most of the communities are so new I found it impossible to discern if there is anything sustainable in the movement. The lack of any formal structures that unite the groups made the task much more difficult. Much more time needs to pass before the movement can be objectively analysed. The fact that there is so much material being published on the subject distorts the importance of the movement until one realises the fact that it is almost all being produced ‘in house’ and does not include any objective, analytical , or academic volumes.

    Instead I would claim that the significant change in the Religious Life in the Western Church in either the Roman or Anglican Communion or both would be better described by the term. There is certainly more there to digest. There is also the rise of the ‘New Monasticism’ in numerous ecumenical communities such as Taize that may very well be better described by the term than the movement it does describe.

    Phyllis Tickler was interviewed by Ian Mobsby, one of the main proponents of the New Monasticism in the UK, on the website Moot on the Christian Emergent Religion. She concludes her conversation about the New Monasticism with Mr Mobsby by hinting that perhaps Anglicans might have something to offer in way of guidance to these new groups. I would make that claim more explicitly.

    Footnotes

    1) Code of Canon Law: Latin-English Edition, Canon Law Society of America, 1983, Canon 298.1.

    2) Alasdair MacIntyre, After Virtue, Notre Dame: The University of Notre Dame Press, 2nd ed., 1984, p.263.

    3) Jonathan Wilson, Living Faithfully in a Fragmented World: Lessons for the Church from MacIntyre’s ‘After Virtue’, Trinity Press International, 1998, p.69

    4) Rutba House, School(s) for Conversion: 12 Marks of a New Monasticism, Cascade Books, 2005, p.xii, xiii.

    5) Scott Bessenecker, The New Friars: The Emerging Movement Serving the World’s Poor, IVP Book, 2006, p. 74,85,106,119,135.

  • REVIEW: ASCETICISM IN THE EARLY CHURCH OF SYRIA

    St Siemon Stylite, Syrian 527-548, Louvre ASCETICISM IN THE EARLY CHURCH OF SYRIA: The Hermeneutics of Early Syrian Monasticism, Sidney H. Griffith, Asceticism, Oxford University Press, 1995

    The first part of Father Sidney Griffith’s article on early Syrian monasticism offered the hope of an interesting deconstruction of the seemingly bizarre practices of early Syrian monastics. He quotes Peter Brown saying that the Syrian conception of monasticism was a “freedom that resembled that of the beasts, wandering up the mountainsides to graze, with the sheep, on the natural grasses”. He also refers to the stylite movement. When he made his recent BBC series on Christianity, Professor Diarmaid MacCulloch tells how he was fascinated by St Simon Stylite as a small boy and it was touching to see his enthusiasm and excitement when finally visiting the remains of Simon’s pillar. Professor MacCulloch romantically speculates about the role of the stylite perched between heaven and earth as being a sort of living doorway that opens onto the next world. Yet Fr Griffith does not pursue this subject any further. He also mentions another exciting subject at the start of this essay - the alarm caused by the Messalians. That certainly sparked my interest. What could be more interesting than a hermeneutic of the theology of a monastic group that believed a demon was united to everyone’s soul and, as the demon was not cast out at Baptism, one had to pray ceaselessly to dislodge it. With its dislodgment the soul would instantly be granted a vision of the Holy Trinity that the demon has thus far been obscuring. Wondering eccentric monks eating grass like the sheep in high mountain passes, monks trying to rip demons out of their chests, and monks living half way between heaven and earth are all interesting enough to keep even a modern teenager riveted. Yet Fr Griffith simply mentions them in passing.

    It was difficult to figure out where Fr Griffith was going with this essay. In the first paragraph it looks as though he is going to discuss the specific characteristics of Syrian monastic life. In the second paragraph there are hints that the essay will instead be an exploration of non canonical texts, such as the Odes of Solomon and the Acts of Judas Thomas, that he believes provide a foundation for Syrian asceticism. He then moves quickly on to discuss the influence that Marcionism, Manichaeism and Bar Daysan played in the formation of the Syrian Christian mindset. Either of these two subjects would have most interesting.

    In the next part of his introduction he delves into the problems in the academic study of Syrian asceticism. He claims that the prevailing views on the subject are flawed because they are based upon mistaken assumptions about the origins of the ascetic movement as well as on scholarly mistakes about the dating of several crucial source texts. It seems clear that the ‘prevailing view’ of Syrian asceticism he is referring to is that which he references in his opening paragraph. Peter Brown is used as an example.

    Fr Griffith goes on to discuss the problem of interpreting Syrian asceticism through Byzantine eyes by reading such texts as Theodoret of Cyrrhus’s History of the Monks of Syria, Palladius’s Historia Lausiaca, and Sozomen’s Church History. He makes the point that these texts present hagiographical iconic portraits of important Syrian ecclesiastics such as Ephraem the Syrian and Jacob of Nisibis. At this point I was unable to follow Fr Griffith’s argument. He points out that these Byzantine hagiographies conform to Syro-Byzantine hagiographies found in monastic circles in the 5th and 6th centuries. Yet he claims that the distortion of the Byzantine hagiographies do not shed light on the historical profiles of Syrian figures, such as Ephraem, the way that a Syrian manuscript would be able to. Yet he does not mention any such texts. Why does he explicitly mention distorting texts from the Eastern Empire and not mention the Syrian ones that presumably would be important for the current article? He also does not explain why a Syrian hagiography would distort the historical character less than a Byzantine hagiography. Hagiography by its very nature distorts historicity. Does he mean that the closer in time, culture and geography that a hagiography is written to its subject then the more likely it is that it will contain accurate historical information? If so, why does he not just say this? The impression is given that there is a problem with Byzantine hagiography of Syrians for some other reason. Perhaps it is a mistaken view about the nature of Syrian religious life that distorts everything written West of Edessa? He confuses the issue further by adding that even popular Syrians like St Awgin make the same mistake the Byzantines do. What is this mistake?

    We turn from this argument to his assertion that a major scholarly mistake made in modern times has been to attribute several key texts to St Ephraem. These texts tell the stories of the Syrian Ascetics who went out to the mountains or into the deserts to live out an anchorite ideal. He gives us the names of some of the more important ones: Letter to the Mountaineers; On the Solitary Life of the Anchorites; On Anchorites, Hermits and Mourners; another similar work of the same name as the previous; and On Solitaries. Fr Griffith claims these were written well after the time of St Ephraem sometime in the 5th century probably around the time of Isaac of Antioch. Thus these stories tell us nothing about the origins of Syrian asceticism but rather later developments of the anchorite ideal. Yet again, I had trouble following his logic. I am sure Fr Griffith has excellent reasons for being so precise about the importance of the dates he uses. He is adamant that the writings of the later part of the 5th century (c.475) can show nothing about the character of early Syrian asceticism that would have begun in the first quarter of the 4th century and the beginning of anchorites with Julian Saba (d.367). It is probably one hundred and fifty years after the beginning of Syrian asceticism that the stories of the Syrian anchorites flourished with the tales of extreme practices. I understand why these later texts will have little in them to illuminate the beginnings of Syrian asceticism but I do not understand why they would be seen as totally different phenomena instead of a continuation of a specific cultural expression of asceticism? This is especially true if the claim made by Fr Griffith that Syrian asceticism, although sharing some similarities with the proto-monasticism in the Egyptian desert personified by St Anthony and St Pachomius, had from the beginning some very specific cultural and theological particularities is true.

    Fr Griffiths backs up the obvious point that to understand the beginnings of Syrian asceticism the best sources are the earliest, in this case Aphrahat ‘The Persian Sage’ (died c. 345ce) and Ephraem the Syrian (306-373ce). Yet the waters become muddied again, for he then claims that the development of the first concept of ascetics as ‘singles’ like those of the Biblical widows and virgins eventually became the anchorite ideal in Julian Saba. He claims that Ephraem’s hymns about Julian Saba are written

    “in a religious vocabulary that had already become traditional, while at the same time they indicate a paradigm shift in the forms of asceticism that, in an uncanny way, transmutes traditional ascetical terminology.”

    How does an ascetical terminology become traditional in such a short period of time? St Anthony, who was living an ascetical life before that of the Syrian ascetics, only died in 356ce during the lifetime of both Ephraem and Julian Saba. It seems as if the time frame must be much shorter if the beginning of Syrian asceticism and the rise of the anchorite ideal both happened in the early to mid 3rd century. I am sure that Fr Griffith understands his subject matter thoroughly and that the evolution of the different types of early Christian asceticism in Syria is clear in his mind. He is, therefore, able to see the rise of a terminology and ‘traditional’ form being transmuted into something else. Yet he does not make this clear to the reader. Considering the short period of time begin discussed (over one lifetime) this is a problem.

    Strangely, he then jumps to a brief discussion about Syrian monasticism in the late 4th century and all of the 5th century. He discussed the establishment of monasteries and the merger of these into hierarchical structures of ‘Eusebius’s Constantinian Great Church’. The Liber graduum of the late 4th or early 5th century exemplifies this new ascetic ideal. This is the ideal that Peter Brown (mentioned now for the third time in three pages) sees as typically Syrian. Later exemplars of the tradition that dominate the Syrian ascetical understanding of itself are found in the writings of Evagrius of Pontus, Palladius and Theodoret of Cyrrhus. Yet Fr Griffith, once again, reminds us that these are not the original Syrian ascetics. This, he claims, is a new form of asceticism that emerged after the Peace of Constantine and that at this point the movement can now properly be called monastic.

    Finally, after a few pages, Fr Griffith lays out the real purpose of the essay:

    “to look again at several key terms in the traditional Syriac vocabulary of asceticism and monasticism with the intention of highlighting their denotations and connections within the Syrian hermeneutical horizon.”

    He then proceeds, in great detail, to explore the way Aphrahat and Ephraem use the words: ihidaya, bnay qyama, and abila.

    It is at this point that I felt led down the proverbial ‘garden path’. There were numerous hints that a feast with fine wines awaited one at the end of one of the several various paths the good Father seemed to be about to lead us down. Instead he suddenly darted down a side path not even alluded to beforehand and at the end of this path one found only a bowl of cold, lumpy, day old porridge. Nourishing it might be, but rather a let down compared to the tantalising other possibilities one was imagining.

    I am at a loss to understand the substantial lead up to the meat of this essay. It seems as if Fr Griffith wants everyone to understand that their view of Syrian asceticism is wrong because it is based on a later development of the movement. Instead they should focus on the earliest form of Syrian asceticism to truly see its character. This is simply bizarre. You would no more tell someone speaking about the Monastic ideal of the Benedictines or the spirit of the Franciscans that they were missing the point and that they needed instead to look to The Life of Saint Anthony. Even this is not a good enough analogy as Fr Griffith believes the hagiographical works obscure the real asceticism. So instead you would have to tell someone not only to ignore Benedict and Francis but also to ignore Anthony himself and look instead to the theological terminology used by St Athanasius when writing the Vita Antonii. No one would normally do this. Things evolve and the most striking manifestations tend to get the most attention. Although chickens may get annoyed that the ostriches and peacocks get all the attention, this in no way makes them any less representatives of the avian family. More specifically, no one would tell someone interested in the study of birds alive today that, if they really want to understand birds, they should rather study the fossils of the reptiles that eventually became birds. The only people who would take this approach so unconsciously are specialist academics who take it for granted that one must try and reconstruct the past by looking at source material. Fr Griffiths endeavour is as proper an exercise for an hermeneutical historian as the study of the evolution of dinosaurs into birds is for an avian palaeontologist. What I do not understand is all the meandering around at the beginning of the essay and the attempt to suggest that his exploration of early Syrian acetic terminology in some way more real than the later development of Syrian Monasticism or more worthy of attention. He himself even says they are two different things.

    Although I was disappointed that he did not take any of the paths he hinted at at the beginning the essay, the discussion on early Christian asceticism was quite interesting. However, the entire rest of the essay is in a realm that no non expert can possibly comment on. I do not speak Syriac let alone early Syriac. Nor do I speak Persian. My Greek and Hebrew is also not up to scratch to be able to have any comment whatsoever on the conclusions Fr Griffiths draws from comparisons between these languages and terms within them. He refers to a twenty year debate in academic circles on the use of the term ihidaya and mentions the main contributors but does not give the reader a thorough enough background on each of the arguments to follow the debate but rather only the different conclusions they each came to.

    It was interesting to see the subtle and multifaceted meaning that can be drawn from a single word. It is also clear that the use of these words to describe the earliest ascetics in Syria had deep theological meaning for the theological writers who used them. However, nowhere does Fr Griffith tie the use of the words back to the reality of practice by these same early ascetics. At the most you can see that the concept of what they were and what they represented was clear to Aphrahat and Ephraem. It is not clear that the ascetics themselves had such a sophisticated interpretation of their own spirituality or Christological typology.

    Fr Griffith makes it clear that one of the meanings of ihidaye to describe the early ascetics was ‘oneness with the Son’. Aphrahat’s Rule reads:

    “These things are fitting for the ihidaye, those who take on the heavenly yoke, to become disciples to Christ. For so is it fitting for Christ’s disciples to emulate Christ their Lord.”

    Thus the ihidaya came in early Syrian Christianity

    “to anticipate symbolically, almost in an iconic fashion, the situation of paradise restored, he represented publically and liturgically humanities’ response to the salvation offered to them in the incarnation (Passion, death, Resurrection) of God’s only son.”

    Interestingly, what connected with me the most in the main body of the essay was not this point made by Fr Griffith but rather this point coupled with the point made about Stylites by Professor MacCulloch. If the ihidaye was a public icon of Christ, especially the restored character of man in paradise shown in the Resurrected Christ, then where else would he be but on display on a platform between heaven and earth for all the world to see? The idea of the Stylites all of a sudden made perfect sense to me. Yet I may be wrong as Fr Griffith makes no connections between his theological terminology and actual practice and Professor McCulloch was only romantically speculating.

    Fr Griffith makes no concluding observations or statements and does not address any of his opening forays down other paths again. The essay just stops after discussing some technical aspects of the last word he is exploring.

    A.N. Wilson, in the Anglican Theological Review of the Summer of 2000, said of the book this essay is contained within, that with a few exceptions (Fr Griffiths was not one of the ones signalled out)

    “this collection suffers from the weaknesses almost ineluctably attendant on its genre: each essay is, necessarily, highly specific, yet the collection as a whole is very broad. The result is that most essays are too specialized to profit any single reader, including most professional scholars. The lack of any real unity among the essays is indirectly suggested by the frequency with which "response" papers do not in fact comment on other papers, but end up becoming mini-papers of their own on yet another topic.”

    In conclusion, I found the topic actually addressed interesting and educational although it is so specialised I have no basis on which to judge his conclusions rather than Fr Griffiths excellent academic reputation. However some of his methodological criticisms were not just weak but odd and sometimes self-contradictory. My assumption is that he was writing to a very specialised audience and that those familiar with the academic landscape in which this essay is found would have easily followed his thoughts and speculations as the presuppositions would be well known. It was also probably a given, to those in the field, that he would concentrate on the historical terminology as a balance to the current discussion on early Syrian asceticism. Yet I do not know what this discussion is and so his emphasis, taken out of context, seemed quite unbalanced. To an outside reader it was not an effective or convincing way to introduce the subject of early Christian Syrian asceticism. I am afraid I am with Professor MacCulloch; I would rather explore Saints living on top of pillars and monks living like wild men high up in the mountains.

    St Simeon Stylites by William Burges 1861 - V&A

    RCMP Sergeant Baltej Singh Dhillon a Proper Symbol of Canada or The Epiphany Continues to Illumine the Wastelands: Whitterings February 2011

    Baltej Singh Dhillon - Dress Uniform

    I am pleased that with Common Worship the Church of England has claimed a ‘season’ for Epiphany. The central theme of the manifesting of the light of Christ to the world is no longer restricted to the Feast of the Epiphany but rather is continued as a theme through the Baptism of the Lord, the Calling of the Disciples, the Wedding Feast at Cana of Galilee (year C) and the Presentation of Christ in the Temple at Candlemass.

    If you drop a stone in the middle of a pond the ripples move steadily outwards in all directions. The Incarnation of Christ was the central event whose ripples are still radiating outwards in time. We are still struggling to understand the full implication of the mystery of the Incarnation and so we must continue to move outwards towards new ways to understand both our fellow creatures as well as the creation itself. This means that as the Baptised we must explore the full implications of our humanity and the redemption of it. This involves a constant vigilance against labelling others as a way of deciding that we already know all we need to know about them. We need to study and learn about all of the cultures and expressions of humanity on the planet. Needless to say this is not primarily an endeavour of the mind but rather the heart. We strive to recognise Christ in one another. The wise men from the East, which are usually depicted representing the three ‘races’, are a symbolic of this.

    As cliché as it might be, it is worth remembering that in the Christian world the idea that the Incarnation has given such a dignity to every human being that it is obvious that we should neither own other human beings nor trade or sell them is a relatively recent realisation. The same goes for the place of women in our society, although it is important to remember that his is still not the case in many societies of the world - many of them Christian.

    Yet crude stereotyping still abounds. All of you know some dinosaur like men who remain misogynistic and think that jokes about women are still funny. I have heard gay men make anti-Semitic remark as well as repeating crude stereotypes of the Romani. The issue of modern day persecution and stereotyping (Antiziganism) of the Romani is one of the more complicated social issues in Europe and one I cannot cover here. It is worth noting, however, that Antiziganism has been rife in Europe since the 13th century, the owning of Romani slaves in parts of Eastern Europe was only abolished in 1885, that it is estimated that one and a half million Romani were exterminated by the Germans during the Second World War, the sterilisation of Romani women in Czechoslovakia only ended in 1989, and the issue of basic human rights for the Romani is a major political issue today. The repeating of negative stereotypes about an actively persecuted people is simply dangerous. The irony of a gay man doing it is distressing. I assume most of you know that the Third Reich tried to wipe three groups of people from the face of the Earth: the Jews, the Romany, and homosexuals. The Nazis’ convinced the general population of the danger of these three groups by the use of extreme stereotyping. I would hope that if all three groups shared the same suffering in the concentration camps as well as the same fate, then we would at least feel enough solidarity to protect each other or at least refrain from repeating negative stereotypes. I said to one gay man who objected to my criticism of such stereotyping because the stereotypes were ‘true’, “sure stereotypes are not in the least bit destructive you effeminate faggity sodomite” - or at least something like it. Upon reflection I realise I should have used the label ‘predatory paedophile’.

    I recently got into the old debate with a friend about Sikh RCMP Officers wearing their turbans. I want to point out that those who claim that the turban is not part of the Sikh religion but rather their cultural are incorrect. Whilst it is true that it is the wearing of uncut hair that is found as one of the Five Ks, Sikhs follow the teaching of the Ten Gurus and it was the tenth Guru Gobind Singh who directed that turbans be worn (although it was common since the sixth Guru) to protect the hair and the sacred comb – another of the five Ks.

    By the beginning of WWI twenty per cent of the British Indian Army was made up of Sikhs and by the end of WWII held the highest number of Victoria Crosses awarded per capita. In 2002, the names of all Sikh VC and George Cross winners were inscribed on the pavilion monument of the Memorial Gates on Constitution Hill next to Buckingham palace. During World War I, Sikh battalions fought in Gallipoli , Egypt, Palestine, Mesopotamia, and France. Several Sikh Regiments were raised in World War II, served at El Alamein and in Burma, Italy and Iraq, and won twenty seven battle honours. Sir Winston Churchill said of them:

    "British people are highly indebted and obliged to Sikhs for a long time. I know that within this century we needed their help twice and they did help us very well. As a result of their timely help, we are today able to live with honour, dignity, and independence. In the war, they fought and died for us, wearing the turbans."

    General Sir Frank Messervy, GOC (General Officer Commanding) of the Indian Army said:

    "In the last two world wars 83,005 turban wearing Sikh soldiers were killed and 109,045 were wounded. They all died or were wounded for the freedom of Britain and the world, and during shell fire, with no other protection but the turban, the symbol of their faith."

    The rich and ancient history of the Punjab and the Rajputs aside, it seems to me that the Sikhs have more than earned the respect of the Western world (not that it should have to be earned as most students of history and world culture would have already given it). They are right to expect that their traditions would be respected and understood to be part of our history as well. It is a painful irony that for Sikhs the turban represents their commitment to the universal nature of the human family whilst for many in our society it is a sign of their ‘otherness’.

    Those who argue against the allowing of Sikhs to wear a turban is that it prevents them from wearing a Stetson hat on the rare occasions RCMP officers wear their red serge dress uniform. The wearing of the Stetson seems to be seen as a crucial symbol of Canadian identity. Although the RCMP were not founded until 1920 the uniform is taken from the Royal Northwest Mounted Police founded in 1875. However the Stetson was not part of the uniform. They wore pith helmets. These helmets were considered impractical on the windy plains and so the Stetson was adopted in 1904. It seems odd to me that a hat adopted for pragmatic use about a hundred years ago, and now worn infrequently should be considered of such importance. This is especially true when the entire uniform is based on British military uniforms which were also worn by Sikhs throughout the Empire. Needless to say, I cannot see how the history and importance of the two head coverings in question are even remotely comparable.

    The thing I admire most about Canada is her dedication to what is called the ‘mosaic’ model of multiculturalism as opposed to the ‘melting pot’ model used by our neighbour to the south. This is not really correct though as the Canadian way is really more ‘integration’. As Andrew Potter says in his November 8th MacLean’s article ‘Canada has never offered a Mosaic’:

    “.. the Queen’s political scientist Will Kymlicka, .... smartly observed that while Canada was not assimilating immigrants, it wasn’t offering a mosaic either. Rather, the institutions and policies we had designed were aimed at the middle path of successful integration: allowing newcomers to keep as much of their cultural traditions as possible, while providing the means for their full participation in civic life. The classic example here is the debate over the Sikh Mountie who asked for permission to wear a turban instead of the usual stetson. While the idea made assimilationists want to chew leather, they failed to understand that the whole point of permitting the turban was to integrate the Sikh community into one of Canada’s most visible and important institutions. The alternative—banning the turban—would have the perverse effect of alienating the Sikh community from the national police force, contributing to the very cultural isolation that assimilationists claim to abhor.”

    Thus I was distressed to see that the Angus Reid Public Opinion Poll on ‘Mosaic or Melting Pot’ published at the beginning of November shows that support for this policy is eroding away.

    “For decades, the concept of the mosaic—where cultural differences within society are deemed valuable and regarded as something that should be preserved—has been used to establish a difference between Canada and the United States. Americans consistently refer to their country as a melting pot, where immigrants assimilate and blend into society.

    More than half of respondents (54%) believe Canada should be a melting pot, while one third of Canadians (33%) endorse the concept of the mosaic. The melting pot is particularly attractive for Quebecers (64%), Albertans (60%) and respondents over the age of 55. The mosaic gets its best marks among British Columbians (42%) and respondents aged 18 to 34 (47%).”

    We have made huge strides in the West towards understanding one another and learning to celebrate human diversity – just look at the huge gain in the rights accorded to gay people since the Stonewall Riots of 1969 (although there is still a long way to go we too often forget how much has been accomplished in such a very short period of time). Yet there is still a long way for us to go, let alone the rest of the world. I have written at length before about the anthropology of clanism and religious fundamentalism as a response to the sudden emergence of globalisation. So it will suffice to say here that the fight to continue to educate ourselves about one another is of crucial importance at this point in our history. Canada can be a beacon of light as a successful template for how multiculturalism can really work in this rapidly changing world. I look to a Canada comfortable with her immigrant history as well as with the history of her more recent immigrants and not threatened by it. For me the sight of RCMP Sergeant Baltej Singh Dhillon in his dress uniform wearing his turban is the perfect symbol for the Canada I admire and want to see flourish. It speaks of a breadth of understanding of human culture and history and a challenge to provincialism.

    Baltej Singh Dhillon - Dress Uniform Recent

    The ripples of the Incarnation continue to move ever outwards as the divine light of the Kingdom of God continues to rise higher and higher shedding light on the world and her peoples. It will continue to rise until we recognise in one another the image of Him who came into the world. As Jean Vanier reminds us:

    “The Word became flesh so that flesh can become Word.”

    In the light of the Epiphany we are able to see clearly – all humanity (Adam’s humanity East of Eden as Saint Barnard of Clairvaux reminds us) has been sanctified. In the light of Christ there is no us and them, there is only us – those for whom he came and for whom he died.

    The Formation of the Proto-Orthodox New Testament Canon

     Muratorian Fragment Gospel

    “It is one thing for believers to affirm, on theological grounds, that the decisions about the canon, like the books themselves, were divinely inspired, but it is another thing to look at the actual history of the process and ponder the long, drawn-out arguments over which books to include and which to reject. The process did not take a few months or years. It took centuries. And even then there was no unanimity.”

    Bart D. Ehrman, Lost Christianities, p. 230

    Professor Ehrman argues, in the eleventh chapter of Lost Christianities, that the New Testament canon is the most significant accomplishment of the proto-orthodox. It enabled them to achieve dominance over the other forms of Christianity that were in competition with them. Although church hierarchy and the formation of creeds were both pivotal in this strategy, neither had the long term stabilising importance of a single fixed canon of scripture.

    He begins his argument by reminding us of the end result of the process. The twenty seven books that came to be included in the orthodox New Testament were written between about 50ce and 120ce. Yet there was no fixed canon of these books for almost two hundred and fifty years after the last book, 2 Peter, was written. The first authority to set out a fixed canon of was Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria, in his Festal letter to his Diocese in 367ce. This decree only had authority in the Metropolitical sphere of Alexandria yet even within the Diocese the canon was not universally accepted. In the late 4th century Didymus the Blind still taught hat 2 Peter was a forgery and thus not canonical whereas the Shepherd of Hermas and the Epistle of Barnabas were. Outside of Alexandria the process was even less uniform. When the Church in Syria finalised its canon in the 5th century it did not include 2 Peter, 2 and 3 John, Jude or Revelation. The Church in Ethiopia held to the Alexandrian canon but added four other books: Sinodos, the Book of Clement, The Book of the Covenant, and The Didascalia. Although there are numerous other examples of non uniform canons in the early church there was a widespread acceptance of the current twenty-seven books in both the Eastern and the Western church. What is most interesting is that the canon of the New Testament was never fixed by any universal ecclesiastical authority. The Alexandrian canon was never adopted by any Oecumenical Council. Rather, the canon became fixed by widespread consensus.

    The importance of writings for Christians became apparent very early on in the church as apostolic authority was the most direct way to gain knowledge about what Jesus said and did. As the Apostles could not be everywhere at once, the written word had to take their place. The written word was also already part of most early Christians lives in that they held the same Scriptures Jesus did: The Pentateuch and the Hebrew Prophets. You can see the importance that scripture had for Jesus himself in the New Testament as many of his teachings are interpretations of Old Testament passages. The writers of the New Testament books also quote the Old Testament as authoritative as they understood Jesus as the fulfilment of an old religion and not a founder of a new one. It is in 1 Timothy 5:18 that we first see Jesus’ words being put on an equal level as those of the words of Moses. For the Gnostics the words of Jesus were the most important part of Scripture as they believed a right interpretation of his sayings would bring them salvation. However, for the proto-orthodox, the stories of the events of his life were equally important. Thus for them to be sure the story of Jesus’ life is authoritative they desired the sayings and writings of those who had been with him or, in other words, eyewitnesses. The other forms of Christianity also sought to tie their perspective on the church to that of an Apostle. The Ebionites claimed their views were those of Peter, and Jesus’ brother James as well as claiming the presence of Jesus’ extended family in their own ranks. The Marcionites claimed they preserved the views of Paul whilst the Valentinians claimed to know Paul’s views through his disciple Theudas, who was Valentinus’s teacher.

    Thus the authority of the authors of the New Testament books was important to everyone but especially to the proto-orthodox. They claimed all of the same authorities that the other groups did. Yet the Proto-orthodox went further and attributed apostolic authority to writings that were not apostolic. All four Gospels are anonymous and none of them claim to be eyewitness accounts of the life of Jesus or even a companion of an eyewitness. It was the proto-orthodox that attributed authorship of them to either Apostles or companions of Apostles. More difficult and more confusing is the proto-orthodox attribution of writings by someone who had the same name as an Apostle to that Apostle. The Book of James, for example, does not claim to be written by James the Brother of the Lord. The author does not even claim a personal connection to Jesus. Neither does the John who wrote the Book of Revelation claim to be the John who the proto-orthodox claimed wrote the gospel and the letters. It is clear that the attribution of authorship to Apostles gave these books the authority the proto-orthodox desired as they themselves were often fooled by their own attributions. Centuries later the Book of James and the Book of Revelation were kept as part of the canon only because everyone had come to believe that they were written by an apostolic hand. There were also several pseudonymous writings that Professor Ehrman refers to as forgeries. These writings are written by someone claiming to be an Apostle or a companion of an Apostle. 2 Peter is almost certainly pseudonymous and also possibly 1 and 2 Timothy, Titus, 2 Thessalonians, Colossians, Ephesians, Peter and Jude. In the end the only books in the canon that we are certain were written by an Apostle are the seven letters written by Paul that almost all Biblical scholars agree are genuine. Yet for the proto-orthodox all the books had apostolic authority, not just because they all contained apostolic teaching but because of their attributions to Apostles.

    Ehrman claims that there was no recognition of the need for a canon by the proto-orthodox in the early 2nd century. He uses three proto-orthodox documents from the period to support his thesis. Polycarp’s letter of 130ce is filled with quotations and allusions (almost 100 in a letter of only 14 fairly brief chapters) from the writings that eventually would form the canon. However he quotes these authors without attribution and seems to assume the reader will be familiar with the texts he is quoting. He does not seem concerned about shoring up their authority. The Shepherd of Herman, written and rewritten between 110 and 140ce, is a much longer work filled with authoritative teachings. However only one scriptural work is referred to and that a lost book (The Book of Elded and Modat). The author of the Shepherd of Hermas seems to have no interest in appealing to a body of Scripture. The sermon from 150ce known as 2 Clement contains neither the abundance of quotations like Polycarp nor the dearth of almost any by the author of The Shepherd of Hermas. Instead it uses several statements that sound very similar to some New Testament epistles but does not quote the books for authority. The sermon frequently quotes the words of Jesus but without referring to any known written gospel, although one quotation is very similar to one found in the Coptic Gospel of Thomas.

    The pressure in the second half of the 2nd century for the proto-orthodox to produce a fixed canon of scripture came mostly from other forms of Christianity. Primary amongst them was Montanism from within and Marcionism from without. The Montanists claim that they had direct access to divine revelation, regardless of the orthodoxy of their beliefs, threatened the stability of the early church. If they could claim divine revelation without any appeal to church authority what would stop the heretical parties claiming the same thing? The failed prophecies of the Montanists about the immanent end of the world no doubt exacerbated the anxiety of the proto-orthodox to have established authorities that were fixed. The writings on the teachings and life of Jesus passed on by his Apostles would provide this much needed stability. The threat from Marcionism pushed the proto-orthodox towards a fixed canon more than any other influence. Partially this was because the Marcionites already had a fixed canon and the strength of Marcionism could be directly attributed to this innovation. We can see the influence Marcionism had on fixing a proto-orthodox canon by comparing two proto-orthodox writers from this period. Justin Martyr was writing at the time when Marcionism was beginning to make an impact. We can see that in Justin’s writings there is no push for a canon as Justin does not even bother to name the authors of the gospel passages he quotes as authorities. He refers to the books as the Memorials of the Apostles. Justin also never quotes the apostle Paul, perhaps because of the almost exclusive use of Pauline texts by Marcion. In is enlightening to contrast Justin Martyr’s casual use of written authorities to their abundant use by Irenaeus of Lyon writing at the height of the proto-orthodox struggle against Marcionism. Writing 30 years after Justin, Irenaeus already has a fairly clear notion of at least a canon of the gospels. He complains that the heretics make up their own gospels and also that they rely solely one just one to justify their views. He points out that the Ebionites reply solely on Mathew, the Gnostics use only Mark, the Marcionites use only Luke, and the Valentinians use only John. To Irenaeus this imbalance is as bad as making up new gospels. Unlike what we find in the writings of Justin Martyr, in Irenaeus we find a fixed set of named authoritative gospels. Irenaeus also had reclaimed the writings of Paul as he used them extensively.

    In order to shed light on how the proto-orthodox decided on what books to include in the canon it is worth looking at the Muratorian canon. This fragmentary text, by an unknown proto-orthodox author, is usually dated to the 8th century. It is a poor Latin copy of an earlier Greek canon believed to have been written in Rome in the second half of the 2nd century. The canon includes twenty-two of the twenty-seven books that form Athanasius’s canon. The Muratorian Canon does not include Hebrews, James, 1 & 2 Peter and one of the Johannite Epistles. It also includes The Wisdom of Solomon and the Apocalypse of Peter. The author elaborates on why some books do not meet the criteria for canonicity. It is these criteria which are illuminating for us as it sheds light on the proto-orthodox mindset whilst establishing a fixed canon. It turns out the four criteria are the same as were used by many proto-orthodox in the 2nd and 3rd centuries. To be considered canonical a work must be ancient, apostolic, catholic and orthodox. It must be ancient so that it was written near the time of Jesus. It must be either apostolic or written by a companion of an Apostle to whom the apostolic tradition would have been passed onto. The work must be catholic in the sense that it enjoyed widespread use amongst the proto-orthodox churches. The main criterion used to decide if a work was canonical was theological orthodoxy. Actually, this last criterion outweighed all the others because if a work was not orthodox then it could not have been written by an apostle and was thus a forgery written in modern times. It also was not catholic because the other churches would not use a non orthodox book.

    The debate by the proto-orthodox over the canon lasted a long time after the core of the canon was readily agreed upon in the second half of the 2nd century. Eventually almost everyone agreed to a list that, at least, included the four gospels, 1 Peter and John and thirteen Letters of Paul. It was a long time before the Catholic Epistles were accepted, ironically because they were not used universally enough. Still the debate over their inclusion was not heated. However, the debate over the inclusion of the Letter to the Hebrews and the Book of Revelation was another matter. A great deal of the debate centred on the authorship of these two books. The Western church believed the Book of Revelation was written by John the Apostle whereas the Eastern church did not and the Eastern church believed the Letter to the Hebrews to be written by St Paul whereas the Western church did not. In time, it turned out that both sides were correct. Yet the real substance of the debate was the orthodoxy, or lack thereof, that each book contained. Many were uncomfortable with the idea found in the Book of Hebrews that those who had sinned had no chance of restitution as well as the crude millenarianism found in the Book of Revelation. Many thought that if these books were accepted than the question of the canonicity of the Apocalypse of Peter or the Epistle of Barnabas should be as well.

    We are aware that the debate continued unresolved at least one hundred and fifty years after the Muratorian canon was written because the ecclesiastical historian Eusebius mentions it in his ten volume Church History. He separates the books into three categories: accepted by all, debated, and spurious. In the accepted category he placed the four gospels, Acts, 14 Epistles of Paul (including Hebrews), 1 John, 1 Peter and the Apocalypse of John with the proviso “if it really seems right”. In the second category he placed James, Jude, 2 Peter and 2 and 3 John. In the spurious category he lists the Acts of Paul, The Shepherd of Hermas, the Apocalypse of Peter, the Epistle of Barnabas, the Didache of the Apostles, the Gospel according to the Hebrews and the Apocalypse of John also with the proviso “if it seems right”. At the end he mentions the heretical books of the Gospels of Peter, Thomas and Mathew, and the Acts of Andrew and John.

    It would still be another sixty years before the proto-orthodox were able to settle the matter amongst themselves. The watershed is usually taken to be the Alexandrian canon of 367ce. Yet even this did not settle the matter and in 393ce Augustine of Hippo fought for its acceptance in his own Diocese. A synod at Carthage four years later also adopted the canon of Athanasius with the condition that the Church of Rome be consulted on the matter and give her approval. Still, for all intent and purpose, the matter had been settled and a proto-orthodox canon became the New Testament. By weeding out non proto-orthodox books and fixing the canon within an orthodox framework the proto-orthodox set the stage for all future debates. The fixture of the canon can thus be seen as one of the most significant steps that led the proto-orthodox towards their transformation into the Orthodox.